東アジアの民族移動 : 前期(五胡時代)の政治と社會を中心として

Abstract

Forward : Two Great Ethnic Migrations Chapter I : The Origins of the Great Migration Section 1 : The Dissolution of the Hsiung-nu 匈奴 Kingdom, and the Southern and Northern Hsiung-nu Groups Section 2 : The Southern Hsiung-nu in the Following Period Chapter II : The Various Regimes of the "Five Barbarians" 五胡 Section 1 : Hsiung-nu Regimes (A) : The Liu 劉 Dynasty (Han 漢 and Earlier Chao 前趙) (B) : The Shih 石 Dynasty (Later Chao 後趙) Section 2 : Hsien-pei 鮮卑 Regimes (A) : The Mu-jung 慕容 Dynasty (Earlier Yen 前燕, Later Yen 後燕, Western Yen 西燕, and Southern Yen 南燕) (B) : The To-pa 拓跋 Dynasty (Northern Wei 北魏); The Period of the State of Tai 代 Section 3 : Ti 氐 and Ch'iang 羌 Regimes (A) : The Fu 苻 Dynasty (Earlier Ch'in 前秦) (B) : The Yao 姚 Dynasty (Later Ch'in 後秦) Chapter III : The Various Regimes of the "Five Barbarians" and the Society of North China Section 1 : The Population Problem Section 2 : The Barbarian Regimes and Displaced Chinese Section 3 : The Barbarian Regimes and Chinese Intellectuals and Culture The era of great ethnic migrations (Völkerwanderung) in East Asia, lasting from the fourth through the sixth century AD., includes the Period of the Five Barbarians (五胡時代, 308-439), and the Period of the Northern Dynasties (北朝時代, 439-589). The scope of the present work, however, is in general limited to the earlier of these two periods. The historical significance of the era of migration is clearly revealed by a comparison of the two unified states which preceded and followed it, the Han 漢 and Sui-T'ang 隋唐 Empires. To state concisely the difference between the two, the Han Empire was a Sinitic classical empire, based on Confucianism, while the Sui-T'ang Empire was an East Asiatic universal empire, founded on a legal or constitutional order 律令體制. In short, the former was an ancient polity, and the latter, mediaeval; and in accounting for this far-reaching historical development or transformation, the era of migration must be understoood as a historically necessary preparatory or transitional period, leading to the emergence of the new order of the Sui and T'ang. It was a troubled and violent era, when the old and new tides of history clashed and whirled in a gigantic vortex. The most significant developments of the period, as detailed in the various chapters and sections of the present study, may be summarized under several headings as follows: I. The Political Basis of State Authority The various states established by the "Five Barbarians" (that is, the nomadic peoples of the Hsiung-nu 匈奴, the closely related Chieh 羯, and the Hsien-pei 鮮卑, Ti 氐 and Ch'iang 羌) were independent political powers controlling all or part of North China, in constant opposition to the strictly Chinese state of the Eastern Chin 東晉 in the South. They were more, however, than simple successors to the previous holders of power in North China, the Han Empire and the Kingdoms of Wei 魏 and the Western Chin 西晉; for their polities rested, ethnically, on a combined basis of large numbers of "barbarian" immigrants and a larger Chinese population, itself composed both of indigenous rural populace and of uprooted, wandering victims of the times. In terms of numbers, as is revealed by the detailed inquiry of Section 1, Chapter 3, under the rule of the Later Chao 後趙 and the Earlier Yen 前燕, whose sphere included modern Hopei, Shantung, northern Honan, and central and southern Shansi, there were something over four million "barbarians, " and roughly ten million Chinese. In the struggle to consolidate their political authority, therefore, the most urgent task facing the "barbarian" regimes was the successful settlement of the several millions of non-Chinese migrants, and the even more millions of displaced Chinese, and their swift return to the front of agricultural exploitation. The well-known "equal field" system of land allocation (均田法), established and systematized in the Northern Dynasties period under the Northern Wei 北魏, was none other than a means to this end. II. The Growth of New Cities In directing the mass migration of their own people and the resettlement of uprooted Chinese, the new holders of power gave first priority to the enrichment of their own base areas. They therefore arranged for the relocation of large numbers of both groups in these regions, and strove for their mutual reconciliation. For this reason, in addition to such traditional metropolises of the Ch'in-Han era as Lo-yang 洛陽 and Ch'ang-an 長安, new cities now appeared throughout North China. Among these were such centers as Yu-chou 幽州 (modern Peking), Chung-shan 中山 (Ting 定-hsien), and Hsian-kuo 襄國 (Hsing-t'ai 邢臺-hsien) in modern Hopei : Yeh 鄴 (Lin-chang 臨漳-hsien) in Honan; Kuang-ku 廣固 in Shantung; P'ing-ch'eng 平城 (Ta-t'ung 大同), T'ai-yüan 太原 (Chin-yang 晉陽), P'ing-yang 平陽, and Ch'ang-tzu 長子 in Shansi; and Ku-tsang 姑藏 (Liang-chou 涼州) in Kansu. Of these, Yeh in particular flourished as the capital of the Later Chao and the Earlier and Later Yen. Its formerly nomadic non-Chinese population alone numbered several hundred thousand; and surpassing even Lo-yang and Ch'ang-an in prosperity, it became the first city of the North China of that time. III. Bureaucratic Reform In the barbarian rulesr' efforts to restore social order and normalize government and institutions, the consolidation and rationalization of the bureaucracy was a particularly urgent task. Accordingly, in the appointment and promotion of officials, they were forced by necessity to modify the nine-grade ranking system (九品中正) of the Wei and Chin, with its reliance in practice on lineage and family standing, in favor of a new emphasis on individual talent and ability. The principle of talent as a criterion for appointment, maintained through the Northern Wei, Northern Chou 北周, and Norther Ch'i 北齊, eventually resulted in the institutionalized examination system of the Sui; and the examination system in turn underlay the bureaucratic and legal-constitutional systems of T'ang times. Thus, while the change in emphasis from lineage to ability was, in the first instance, simply a means for increasing governmental efficiency, it resulted in the destruction of the social fixity engendered by reliance on family standing, and laid open the road to social mobility. IV. Changes in Custom and Costume During and after the Five Barbarians period, the Chinese began slowly to adopt the customs and costume of the nomads of northern Asia. It was at this time that chairs, or "barbarian beds" (胡床) first came into widespread use. Meanwhile, the narrow sleeves and trousers characteristic of the mounted nomads gradually took the place of the traditional broad-sleeved, flowing robes of the sedentary Chinese. V. The Diffusion of Buddhism Due to limitations of space, this matter has not been fully discussed in the present study. Nevertheless, in considering the historical significance of the Five Barbarians period, the role played by Buddhism can hardly be overlooked. Throughout the Five Barbarians and Northern Dynasties periods, intercourse with the "Western Regions" (西域) of central Asia was much more frequent than under the Wei and Chin. Consequently, there was an increased exchange of knowledge with the west, and many emminent Buddhist priests, including such men as Fo-t'u-ch'eng 佛圖澄 and Kumāra-jiva 鳩摩羅什, came to China. In order to make Buddhism more easily understandable to the barbarian kings and ruling classes, many of these missionaries, rather than expounding on the profundities of the dharma, resorted instead to esoteric and quasi-magical devices. Weather and climatic predictions, based on their astronomical and calendrical knowledge, as well as medical treatment of illness, were frequently employed. In addition, such concrete measures as the erection of temples and statues, and the impressive staging of Buddhist observances, were ardently exploited as means of proselytization. For these reasons, there were many converts to Buddhism among the barbarian rulers and ruling classes. This seems to have been in part due to the fact that the "barbarians, " as aliens themeselves, felt a stronger predilection for the foreign Buddhism than for Confucianism. Moreover, the priests of that time needed not rely on their religious arts alone. Able to pass freely across international boundaries and frontiers, they were in a position to obtain relatively easily inside information on neighboring countries, and on the basis of this intelligence, to predict future developments. Since their forcasts frequently proved accurate, in military as well as political and diplomatic affairs, they gained all the more the confidence of the rulers, and no few of them were actually engaged as political advisors. Thus the Buddhist priests succeeded in establishing close relations with the barbarian courts and, identifying the ruler with the Buddha through the doctrine of the "common origin of monarchy and Buddhism" 王法一元, they endeavored to spread their religion with the backing of monarchic authority. Such large-scale cave-temples as those of Yün-kang 雲崗 in Shansi and Lung-men 龍門 in Honan, which still remain today, are monuments to the great diffusion of Buddhism; but at the same time, they represent a display of monarchic power over the populace, and demonstrate the use of Buddhism in support of autocracy. While the priests depended on the support of the rulers for their missionary activities, the latter accepted Buddhism as a means for controlling the people. As the priests gradually gained political as well as religious influence, they found themselves in opposition to the Chinese aristocrats and officials, most of whom were followers of Confucianism or Taoism. The various anti-Buddhist crusades from the Northern Dynasties through the Sui-T'ang period arose from this background of confrontation. From the above it is clear that even the examination system, the legal-constitutional system and the equal field system 均田制, generally regarded as characterizing the Sui-T'ang Empire, were germinated in the period of ethnic migration. It was in this period, too, that Buddhism, whose later dissemination added width and depth to Chinese society and thought, became firmly rooted in Chinese soil. In brief, during the period of ethnic migration, institutions and policies based on new conceptions were added to the traditions inherited from the Han era, while Buddhism, a foreign religion, gained wide currency. These new elements played important roles in the subsequent political, institutional, social, and intellectual development of China, and became powerful dynamic forces in the evolution of Chinese history.