一九五〇年代における「民族資産階級」について--中國民主建國會の反右派鬪争から考える

Abstract

I understand the "national bourgeoisie" 民族資產階級 as one the most put upon social classes in Chinese society and see the China Democratic National Construction Association 中國民主建國會 as the body that represented them political and ideologically. The term "national bourgeoisie" has extremely strong political overtones, and thus I have put in parentheses, but it refers to the business people and industrialists that remained on the mainland and supported the Communist Party (or displayed no will to openly resist it). However, they were almost all small to mid-level entrepreneurs. Incidentally, I understand the China Democratic National Construction Association, or Minjian for short, as a faction that represented the "liberalism of the small and mid-level business people and industrialists." In this article I principally examine the policy of promoting freedom of expression initiated by the Communist Party in 1956 to the suppression of expression (anti-rightist movement 反右派鬪爭) of 1957. I understand this as ultimately being the squashing of the spirit of liberalism that had surged in the 1940s by the Communist Party in 1957. The following points are those from which I approach the problem in this article. First, while briefly reviewing the earlier scholarship, I confirm that Zhang Naiqi 章乃器 was the most appropriate person for a consideration of the place of Minjian in the "anti-rightist movement." Second, I reproduce to the greatest extent possible the statements of Zhang Naiqi from the 1940s and explore how they were suppressed in the process of anti-rightist movement of the June 1957. Third, I consider how criticism of Zhang Naiqi was put into practice within Minjian and reconstruct the scene of Minjian of Shanghai that was at the time the largest commercial city. This is due to the fact that I take the city as most directly representative of the political trends of "national bourgeoisie." Based on the preceding analyses, I conclude this study proposing the working hypothesis that the subjective consciousness of the individual citizen as sovereign and the understanding of basic human rights in China at the time appear to have reached a level of maturity far exceeding what we have previously imagined.