<研究論文>ラテン語における印欧語の接辞 *-ti- : 語根構造と母音階梯との関係から

Abstract

The Indo-European suffix *-ti- has traditionally been considered to be added to roots in the zero grade to form abstract nouns. Classical Indo-European languages, such as Greek and Sanskrit, preserve this sufx well, and various forms such as abstract nouns, agent nouns and instrument nouns, are found in those languages. However, in Latin, since the enlarged sufx *-ti(y)ōn- came to be used productively, the number of forms which appear to have the suffix *-ti- is limited and they are mostly limited to abstract nouns. In this paper, I collect Latin nouns which seem to have *-ti- in their suffix and sort them according to their historical vowel grades. My survey reveals that the root vocalism of most Latin nouns formed with this suffix is ambiguous between o/e and zero, although traditional explanations tend to favor the zero-grade. However, in contrast to the general pattern, we find some irregular nouns that cannot be derived from a zero-grade root. I divide the irregular Latin nouns into the following three groups. The first group contains nouns with a root structure of CeT or CeTT. Here the vocalism is probably due to secondary vowel insertion which took place at an archaic stage; e.g. messis 'reaping, crop' < *met-ti- (Root: LIV 442 ?1.*met- 'to harvest'). The second group contains roots with a final laryngeal; e.g. quiēs, quiētis 'rest, sleep' (f.Pl. +) < *kwyē-ti- (Root: LIV 393 *kwyeh1- 'to rest'), in which the vocalism goes back to the e-grade or was possibly secondarily introduced from the perfect or root aorist; e.g. quiēvī 'lay down, sleep (pf.1.sg.)'. The third group consists of two problematic nouns namely, mōns, montis 'mountain' and fōns, fontis 'spring', which appear to display ovocalism in the root.