<論説>バトゥミの出稼ぎダリア人 : 一九〇五年革命期の労働運動と民族的要因

Abstract

西グルジアの石油積出港バトゥミでは、スターリンの関与の下で死者十数名を出した一九〇二年三月のゼネストを契機に、攻撃的労働運動が展開する。ロシア社会民主労働党バトゥミ委員会は、グルジアのグリア地方出身の出稼労働者を中心勢力として、〇五年革命以前から「独裁的」権威を誇った。実質的チロル容認と、出稼ぎグリア人の同郷人集団の結束がその背景にあった。バクーのアルメニア人虐殺以来、ザカフカス全域で民族対立が重大化し、委員会もグリア人以外からは民族的偏りを従来以上に警戒される。しかし「グルジア人」としての民族的利害ゆえにグリア人は委員会を支持したわけではない。「マルクス主義的党派がグルジア人の民族的利害を吸収した」という通説は、むしろ同時代の他民族の目から見た限りで正当化される議論だったのである。

Georgia was peculiar in Tsarist Russia in that, though most Georgians are peasants, the Marxist party Menshevik was so powerful that it became Georgian "national party". The starting point of Menshevik hegemony was the peasant movement in western Georgia, especially Guria province. Gurian peasant movement was tightly connected with the labor movement of Batoum (Batumi), the oil port of neighboring Achara province, through migrant workers. Achara province was annexed by Tsarist Russia from the Ottoman empire in 1878. Acharans in village were Georgian in language, but Muslim in religion, in contrast that other "Georigians" were orthodox. So Gurian (=Georgian) workers, which had become the main part of migrant workers in Batoum, had little ties with Acharan peasants. In Batoum aggressive labor movement flourished, especially after the general strike (March 1902), which took place under the engagement of Stalin and witnessed over 15 workers killed. This strike also caused the send-back of hundreds of Gurian migrant workers, who became one of the initiators of Gurian peasant movement. Henceforth the Batoum committee of the Russian Social Democratic Workers' Party enjoyed high authority and powers over the Batoum workers, which was sometimes seen as even "dictatorial" before and during 1905 revolution. The main participants of the committee were Gurian migrant workers. The main weapons were terrorism, which was seen de facto tactics of the committee, and the provincial ties of Gurian workers. The Armenian massacre in Baku (February 1905) had increased the influence of ethnic problematics in Transcaucasia. The committee was also seen as ethnically impartial in the eyes of non-Georgians. In fact, Armenian workers and Georgian workers had conflicted several times before 1905. The ethnic interests of "Georgians", however, did not cause the authority of the committee among Gurians. In Poti, a neighboring port of Batoum, Gurian workers and Mingrelian workers conflicted, both of which were seen as sub-units of "Georgians". Moreover, Acharans, or "Muslim Georgians" generally stood in opposition to revolutionary movements, which were mainly taken part in by Gurians and other Christians. The menace of the massacre was at last taken over, when an Acharan influential bek compromised to the committee, seeing its substantial power. The committee also took actions to Armenians, who had a strong nationalist-revolutionary organisation. Therefore, the Batoum committee can be said to have been de facto Gurian organisation, not Georgian, though it insisted on its internationalism. We need not to overlap Georgian national interests to the hegemony of the Batoum committee. The commonly accepted theory has supposed that Marxism overlapped the Georgian national interests. But this theory rather reflects the non-Georgian view in that era. The ethnic factors, as well as class factors, should not be seen as "the hidden essential determinant".