<論説>シュメール都市国家ラガシュ最末期の支配者ルガルアンダ治世のエ・ミ文書に表われた問題現象について

Abstract

シュメール都市国家ラガシュ最末期の三代の支配者の真中に位置するルガルアンダ治世において、支配者妃を首長とする組織 e_2-mi_2 が、労働＝生産・再配分組織として治世初年から再編・拡大された。この組織、特にその大麦支給体系は治世六年にはほぼ整い、続く簒奪王ウルイニムギナ治世のバウ女神の名を冠した組織へと大筋において継承された。しかしルガルアンダ治世初年には、エ・ミ組織の中核を担うべき割当地保有者 lu_2-KUR_6-dab_5-ba たちの伝統的処遇に背く問題現象が二つの大型支給記録の中に起こっていた。本稿は独立した歴史的時代としてこれ迄殆んど取扱われなかったこの支配者の治世にエ・ミが確立・整備されていくなかで、中堅的社会範疇である彼らの処遇にどの様な異変が起こっていたかを精細に明らかにする。また治世後半においても彼らに対するヤギの貢租の追加負担が課せられた実態を「補論」において簡略に考察する。

This study clarifies the following four points. The first point is that the 'e_2-mi_2' organization headed by Barnamtarra, the wife of Lugalanda, grew and was reorganized as a production-redistribution system from the first year of the reign of Lugalanda. The 'e_2-m_2' continued to expand until the sixth year of the reign, developing into a socio-economic organization in which the 'lu_2-KUR_6-dab_5-ba', the so-called the allotment-holders, formed the core. Consequently, the 'e_2-mi_2' organization evolved in large measure into the organization headed by ^dBa-U_2 in the reign of the succeeding ruler, Uruinimgina, the usurper and so-called Reform- King. The second and third points, which probably deserve the greatest attention, are related to the treatment of the 'lu_2-KUR_6-dab_5-ba' people that was at odds with their traditional rights and interests. This irregular treatment appears in two important large-sized documents on the provision of rations. The first is DCS 8 : 'ziz_2-ba-EREN_2 (bir_3)-ra' and the second is DP 231, se-ba, i.e., the barley ration. The second point of this paper is related to the fact that in DCS 8, dated the first year of the reign of Lugalanda and titled 'emmer distribution to the labour-team' in the colophon, as many as 10 'personnel domestique, ' who would never have participated in a labour-team doing public works such as digging and doing maintenance of the irrigation channel, which were the duties of the allotment-holders, have been included. Among those 10 persons, four HAR.TU, actually 'HAR.TU-mi_2' (female domestic servants), appear among the 'lu_2-KUR_6-dab_5-ba' and received their emmer-wheat. In this respect, DCS 8 disregards the socio-economic status of the recipients. The third point to be clarified is concerned with DP 231, a unique text concerned with the regular barley-ration addressed to "ye, the 'lu_2-KUR_6-dab_5-ba' people for the first provision" and to other lower classes "for the ninth provision, " which can be inferentially dated to the second year of the reign of Lugalanda. In this text, the volume of the barley ration provided to the allotment-holders was much smaller than those recorded on the Type I se-ba list after the sixth year of Lugalanda's reign. The normal volume of the ration on the Type I se-ba was at maximum 72 sila_3 and 36 sila_3 at minimum. In DP 231, in contrast to these later texts, as many as fifty-three 'lu_2-KUR_6-dab_5-ba' people received at maximum 36 sila_3, while twenty three of them received only 18 sila_3, the same amount received by those in geme_2, the lowest class of female laborers, which included slaves. Among the 'lu_2-KUR_6-dab_5-ba' people receiving 18 sila_3 of barley were engar (-ki-gub) and aga_3-us_2, lu_2' IGI.NIGIN_2, etc. In contrast, the volume of the barley ration provided to bound laborers such as those of the igi-nu-du_8 and geme_2, some of whom served in the lesser court of the ruler's consort from the first-half of the era of Enentarzi, were kept at the same levels of the earlier period and the stage after the 6th year of the reign of Lugalanda, in other words at 48 sila_3 for the igi-nu-du_8, and 18 sila_3 for the geme_2. This was despite that fact that the number of igi-nu-du_8, du_3-a-ku_5 and geme_2-ki-siki/ -ki-sah_2/kikken had multiplied, as had the number of 'lu_2-KUR_6-dab_5-ba'. Both of the these facts observed in DP 231 clearly demonstrate that the realignment and enlargement of the 'e_2-mi_2' at an early date under Lugalanda, which endowed the e_2-mi_2 with the character of public organization to some extent, were put into practice at the cost of the 'lu_2-KUR_6-dab_5-ba', who were the main buttress of the transformation of the social character of e_2-mi_2 from a small and private court organization to an official institution of production and redistribution. As the fourth and last point, this study briefly treats the 'mas-da-ri-a-ugula-ne', an additional imposition of tribute on foremen (ugula-ne), such as ugula-RU- Iugal/-aga_3-us_2/, engar, and the sipa-AMA.GAN.SA, etc., belonging to the 'e_2-mi_2'. We discovered four texts that show that tribute, chiefly of male goats, was carried out in the 2nd, 5th, and 6th years of the reign of Lugalanda. We have found no evidence at present that such an imposition was enforced in the reigns of Enentarzi or Uruinimgina. The conclusion based on the examination of these four points is as follows. Barnamtarra and those associated with her made no effort to understand the role and situation of the 'lu_2-KUR_6-dab_5-ba' in the newly realigned 'e_2-mi_2'. Accordingly, anti-traditional treatment that could be termed abnormal was applied to the 'lu_2-KUR_6-dab_5-ba' who belonged to the new enlarged 'e_2-mi_2'. The consciousness of Barnamtarra toward the new 'e_2-mi_2' who served her as before remained, on the other hand, at the level of the head of a private court organization. Consequently, she intended to treat the 'lu_2-KUR_6-dab_5-ba' people as the staff who belonged to her private organization. When viewed from a different angle, one recognizes two motivations that had the different origins and different directions influencing the 'e_2-mi_2' under Lugalanda's reign. One intention was to maintain and magnify the private court organization in which Barnamtarra could exercise her will on every matter. The second intention originating from ensi_2 and these associated with him was to find a new public production-redistribution organization under ensi_2's control. Hence, the 'e_2-mi_2' organization under Lugalanda's reign displayed an unfinished quality and transitional ambiguity.