<論説>古井喜実と日中国交正常化 : LT・MT貿易の延長線から見る日中国交正常化

Abstract

日中国交正常化については、既に多くの研究が行なわれている。しかし、先行研究の殆どは、外交の表舞台に立った政府首脳の政策決定過程に重点を置いており、外交の表舞台には出ない古井喜実ら自民党内親中派の役割が等閑視されている。一方、古井の役割を高く評価する研究もあるが、古井が国交正常化の過程で実際にどのような行動を行ない、どのような役割を果たしたのかを正面から取り上げて分析している訳ではなく、副次的な対象として捉えるに止まっている。日中国交正常化の過程において、田中角栄・大平正芳と中国側とを繋ぐ存在として、また水面下の交渉者として、親中派の中心人物であった古井が、いかに大きな役割を果たしたかを実証することが、本論文の目的であり、古井に代表される自民党内親中派が果たした役割の全貌を明らかにするとともに、その位置付けを再検討することが本論文の第二の目的である。

Although a great deal of research has been done on the normalization of Sino- Japanese diplomatic relations, most has emphasized the decision-making process within governmental circles, and the role of the pro-Chinese faction in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), represented by Furui Yoshimi among others, has largely been ignored. Some researchers recognized Furui's commitment to the normalization process, but they failed to explain in detail the role he played and how he acted, treating his activities as only a side issue. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate the importance of the role that was played in the normalization process of Sino-Japanese diplomatic relations by Furui, the central figure of the pro- Chinese faction, in bringing Tanaka Kakuei and Ohira Masayoshi together with the Chinese side and as a backstage negotiator. The second purpose of this paper is to attempt to present a full picture of the role carried out by the pro-Chinese faction in the LDP, represented by Furui Yoshimi and others, and to rethink its position within the party. Negotiations over Sino-Japanese MT trade continued on a rocky course after 1968, but Furui was determined to sustain this trade route in order to use it in the normalization of Sino-Japanese diplomatic relations in the future. In the beginning of the 1970s, the international situation around China changed drastically and the momentum for normalization of diplomatic relations with China increased in Japan. Under these circumstances, the pro-Chinese faction in LDP, including Furui Yoshimi and Tagawa Seiichi, mediated actively between powerful figures in the LDP like Ohira Masayoshi and Miki Takeo, and the Chinese side. After the formation of the Tanaka Cabinet, Furui repeatedly discussed with Ohira Masayoshi, the foreign minister in the Tanaka Cabinet, the proposed normalization of Sino-Japan diplomatic relations and how it would be timed, and he also pressed for the determinations and approval of Prime Minister Tanaka Kakuei. The Tanaka cabinet sent Furui, Tagawa, and Matsumoto Shun'ichi to China on September 9, 1972 in order to finalize arrangements over issues to be discussed at the upcoming prime ministers' summit and adjustments to the draft of their joint statement. Before the normalization of Sino-Japanese diplomatic relations, there were several channels of communications opened between Japan and China, and Furui was merely one of these. However, from the Chinese point of view, although opportunities to normalize relations with Japan had been created through private channels and the opposition parties, as it was the LDP government with which it must ultimately negotiate, the Chinese authorities found it crucial to sustain those ties. This is why the role of Furui and LT/MT Trade was so important. On the other hand, from the Japanese point of view, there were other channels of communication with China, including the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Sino-Japanese Diet Members' League, and opposition parties. However, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Sino-Japanese Diet Members' League failed to make progress in the normalization of Sino-Japan relations. The Japan Socialist Party and the Komeito also played roles in informing the Japanese government about Chinese interest in restoring diplomatic relations, and influenced Tanaka's decision to visit China. However, the Tanaka Cabinet wanted to avoid the impression that the normalization of relations with China was carried out at a pace dictated by the opposition, and finally refused to let them to join in the policy making process. Under these circumstances the Tanaka cabinet initially intended to conduct the negotiations through the Sino-Japan MT Trade Office, but this idea was quickly abandoned, as the secrecy of the negotiations could not be insured. Instead, the Tanaka cabinet used Furui, who had labored tirelessly on behalf of LT/MT trade and worked closely with Ohira, to bring about the negotiations with China. In doing this, the final decision of Japanese side was made. In this manner Furui became deeply committed to issuing a Sino-Japanese joint statement and diligently helped the Japanese government navigate the negotiations. Consequently, the pro- Chinese faction in the LDP, centered round Furui, played an important role in the normalization process of Sino-Japanese diplomatic relations.