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タイトル: <論説>一三世紀都市トゥールーズにおける「異端」の抑圧と文書利用 : 王権・都市・異端審問の対立と交渉の諸相 (特集 : 都市)
その他のタイトル: <Articles>Repression of Heresy and the Use of the Written Documents in Thirteenth-Century Toulouse : The Relationship between the City, Royal Power and the Inquisition (Special Issue : CITY)
著者: 図師, 宣忠  KAKEN_name
著者名の別形: ZUSHI, Nobutada
発行日: 31-Jan-2012
出版者: 史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
誌名: 史林
巻: 95
号: 1
開始ページ: 74
終了ページ: 109
抄録: 異端審問の導入とフランス王権による統治の開始という新しい状況に直面する一三世紀の都市トゥールーズにおいて、「異端」はどのように扱われたのか。本稿では、一三世紀前半における異端審問官と都市民の間の「異端」問題をめぐる対立の事例、およびこうした過去の「異端」問題を理由に今度は国王役人によって財産没収の危機にさらされた都市民たちが国王に嘆願をなし、国王フィリップ三世の特許状を引き出したという一三世紀後半の事例を、文書利用という観点から検討していく。その結果、異端審問官が「異端」の追及・断罪のために残した判決記録が、のちに国王役人によって都市民を赦すための「証拠」として用いられていたという興味深い事実が明らかになった。異端審問官は「異端」追及の手段として、一方で王権も被治者の体系的な把捉のために、それぞれに効率的な文書利用を展開していくが、テクストの参照あるいは「証拠」としての記録の利用といった一三世紀における実践的な文書利用のあり方が、王権・異端審問と都市が取り結ぶ関係の一端を照らし出してくれるのである。
This paper aims to explore the relationship between municipal officials and royal and ecclesiastical representatives in thirteenth-century Toulouse over the problems of heresy. After the Albigensian Crusade had ended in the 1220s, the Dominican friars were sent by the pope into the city of Toulouse to identify, prosecute, and punish heretics and their sympathizers in its neighboring region. And at the same time, the French royal government was engaged in solidifying its authority in Languedoc, and the Capetian dominions further expanded to include the count of Toulouse in 1271. My study investigates how the organization of the papal inquisition and the integration of Toulouse into the Capetian kingdom influenced the inhabitants of Toulouse in a context of the repression of heresy. Emphasis is placed on the role of written documents and the use of the technologies of writing and document preservation as a part of the art of governance, for the governors of medieval Europe shifted from traditional ways based on human memory, toward systems that extensively utilized writing as a way of creating a perpetual memory of their activities around the thirteenth century. The inquisition in Languedoc was organized in the 1230s in response to growing religious movements, in particular the 'Cathars'. In the early years of the inquisition, the resistance by townspeople produced a number of violent assaults on the inquisitors and their agents. In Toulouse, there were spectacular confrontations between inquisitors and citizens, which were vividly described by the Dominican Guillaume Pelhisson, an eyewitness to and participant in some of the events. The Dominican friars and inquisitors encountered formidable resistance by the citizens. The city's elected officials (the consuls) expelled first the inquisitor Guillaume Arnaud on 15 October 1235, and then the entire Dominican convent in the first week of November 1235. They were not able to return until August 1236, ten months later. But once the rebellions of the 1240s in Languedoc had been put down and the castles of Montsegur and Queribus captured, evidence of open opposition to the inquisitors becomes relatively rare. The inquisitors continued their activities to root heresy out of the region, which would increase the inquisitorial records hereafter. Meanwhile there were resistance and negotiations between the consuls of Toulouse and royal officials. The consuls negotiated many of the demands placed upon them by the Capetian princes in the latter half of the thirteenth century, i.e. Count Alphonse of Poitiers, and his successor, King Philip III. This paper especially explores a royal diploma issued by Philip III in August 1279, which listed 278 male and female citizens of Toulouse whose property had been confiscated for heresy. Originally, on 20 March 1279, a group of 120 citizens, either representing absent members of their own families or acting as tutors and guardians of other persons, had met together with the royal representatives and petitioned the king for amnesty. Although further information about these negotiations is scanty, the king issued the diploma in August 1279, and under this amnesty the property was to be returned to the citizens or their heirs. At any rate the diploma finally removed the threat of property confiscation for past heresy. The list of condemned persons in this amnesty is studied in some detail here, I argue that the way the royal officials wrote down this list indicates the royal representatives were apparently able to consult some inquisitorial records, which were kept in the inquisitorial archives. Documents that were once produced and preserved by the inquisitors to condemn heretics were then admitted as evidence by the king to save the past heretics or their heirs. In fact, the preservation and protection of the records was a major concern not only of the inquisitors but of the royal government. When townspeople in Languedoc who were discontented with the abusive exercise of power by the royal agents petitioned the king, the petitions were accompanied by inquiries. And the inquiries connected with heretical issues were based on the inquisitorial documents kept by the inquisitors. Thus the relationship of the city of Toulouse with the royal authority was negotiated and constructed on the basis of evidential documents.
DOI: 10.14989/shirin_95_74
URI: http://hdl.handle.net/2433/240229
出現コレクション:95巻1号

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