<論説>ロシア領ポーランドにおける労働者の動員をめぐる情勢 : 「工場社会」の観点から

Abstract

本稿の目的は、一九・二〇世紀転換期におけるポーランド王国の繊維業都市ウッチに焦点をあて、労働者の政治的動員をめぐる情勢について考察することにある。行論では「工場社会」という本稿独自の分析枠組が設定され、ウッチ労働者の行動を一都市における工場内部に留まらない、帝国規模の人的ネットワークに位置づけて考察した。その結果、一八九〇年代では、労働者は法律を駆使して生活改善を目指していたものの、二〇世紀初頭における工場制度の変更をへてからは、法律ではなく政党組織に対して生活の安定を求め始めたことが明らかになった。本稿はまた、特に労働者と国民民主党との関係についても論じ、同党にとって労働者動員には階級闘争から国民的一体性を防衛するという意義があり、実際にウッチではその理念から影響を受けた組織が成立したことを解明した。以上の考察を通じて、ポーランド王国における労働運動はロシア帝国の工場政策と密接な関連性をもち、また運動の形態も階級闘争に限定されないことが示された。

This paper focuses upon Lodz (in Polish, Lodz), which was the third biggest textile city in Russian Empire following Moscow and Petersburg, for the purpose of clarifying the changing circumstances that enabled political parties to organize workers. In terms of historiography, many scholars have tackled this matter from the study of the socialist parties such as Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania or the Polish Socialist Party. As a result, even though National Democracy, which played a prominent role in constructing modern Polish nationalism, also succeeded in organizing Polish workers, little is known about relationship between National Democracy and workers. It is now necessary to consider the organizing of workers from a perspective that is not ideologically one-sided Out of this necessity, the author developed the concept of 'factory society, ' defined as 'the whole of human relationships involved in factory labor' to analyze the situations that workers were confronted with. It should be noted that 'factory society' is not limited to internal relations within a single factory (e.g. among workers, foremen and owners), but it extends from Petersburg to each local region because of the introduction of industrial policies by the imperial government. As the stabilization of industrial development became more important during the late nineteenth century, the government decided to intervene in the troubles within factories with the introduction of a system of factory inspections. After 1891, a worker in Lodz had to petition the factory inspector in the Ministry of Finance regarding discontents with factory labor. It has been shown that the textile industry in Lodz had been developed through the initiative of German entrepreneurs, and specific occupational and ethno-linguistic structures were formed under such circumstances. Thus, Polish and Jewish people worked as unskilled labor on one hand, and foremen and entrepreneurs were generally German residents on the other. In earlier research it has been argued that this structure brought about a nationalistic tendency in Polish workers. But this simplistic interpretation leads to a misunderstanding of the actions of the workers. Although Polish workers appealed to the factory inspector over violent deeds of German foremen and argued for their removal from factories, Polish workers seldom criticized the German entrepreneurs who generally shared the same ethnicity with the foremen. Considering these facts, it is clear that Polish workers tried to resolve problems at factories inside the framework of factory inspection system, and their activities cannot be seen as national or class struggle. This situation, however, changed around 1900/1901, when the Russian government instituted the Factory Police within the Ministry of Internal Affairs and placed factory inspectors subordinate to the Factory Police. According to records of the provincial government, conflicts arose between workers and the factory police, but factory inspectors were incapable of resolving those conflicts. In these circumstances, workers had to seek a way to deal with the factory police, and it could be found only outside of the law, in other words, in political parties. At the late 1904, several thousand workers participated in illegal activities such as distributing guns and "bibly" (illegal pamphlets), and the National Society of Enlightenment (in Polish, Towarzystwo Oswiaty Narodowej), which was established under National Democracy in 1899, succeeded in organizing the largest number of workers. The author has also mentioned the diversity of social classes that comprised the organization of National Society of Enlightenment in Lodz. Worker activists collaborated with engineers, teachers, doctors and factory managers. Based upon the aforementioned arguments, I have drawn two points in conclusion. First, worker movements in the Kingdom of Poland had a close relation with the factory policy introduced by the Russian government. And second, the forms of those movements were diverse, a fact that has been ignored out of the perception that considers them as simply working class (socialist) movements.