<論説>「祈り」と「怒り」の広島 : 原爆孤児救護運動とサークル運動を中心に (特集 : 祈り)

Abstract

本稿の目的は、原爆投下から一九五〇年代前半までを対象に、被爆地広島の都市イメージの構築過程を明らかにすることである。広島と「怒り」の要素との結びつきが定着し、「祈りの長崎」との一種の棲み分けが起こるのは、原水爆禁止運動や被爆者運動が高揚する一九五四年以降だが、それ以前において、広島はどのように語られていたのか。本稿では、まず、占領下から一九五〇年代前半におけるマスメディアの報道や知識人言説などから、被爆地広島の語られ方を概観し、その後、広島の人びとの具体的実践とその語られ方を分析する。占領下の広島では、原爆孤児たちが「祈り」の主体として期待され、マスメディアや自治体、教員や児童が、広島と「祈り」の結びつきを受け入れていったが、朝鮮戦争により。不戦の誓いと平和への「祈り」という一面的イメージに亀裂が走る。サークル運動に関わった労働者たちが、「怒り」を打ち明け始めたのである。

This article is an attempt to elucidate the process of the fixing of the image of the city of Hiroshima. The Hiroshima described in newspapers and magazines published in Tokyo and the Hiroshima recounted by the residents of the city do not necessarily match. The image of Hiroshima differs according to medium that is used or who is speaking. Then, as a matter of course, as the times change, the image also changes. In this article, I focus on both the Hiroshima described in the mass media outside of Hiroshima and the practical reality of the Hiroshima described by the residents within the city. The period of this research is from the dropping of the atomic bomb into the first half of the 1950s. In the first section, after summarizing the system of censorship that regulated speech under the occupation, I examine descriptions of bombed out Hiroshima from mass media reports, comments of intellectuals, and widely seen films. When the mass media of this period described Hiroshima, examples of "anger" being emphasized are seldom seen. Hiroshima was described as a site of suffering, and there was a tendency to describe those who died as a result of the atomic bombing as the noble dead who brought about peace. In the second section, I focus on the children who were called the atomic bomb orphans, and while elucidating the actual circumstances of their lives, I note the attempts of governments and volunteers on behalf of the atomic bomb orphans. Elements of both "anger" and "prayers" are absent from the post-war collections of the writings of the atomic-bomb orphans. However, after the emperor paid a visit to the atomic-bomb orphans who had taken Buddhist orders in 1947, articles in the national newspapers that reported on this emphasized their "prayers." Then, in Genbaku no ko (Children of the Atomic Bomb), an anthology of the writings of the children from Hiroshima, many of the compositions began to contain accounts linking the atomic bombing and prayers for peace. In the third and last section, I shift the point of view and focus on the practice of writing by laborers. The object of study ls the club magazine Warera no shi (Our poetry) published in Hiroshima, and I analyze the process of moving to an emphasis on "anger" over the atomic bombing among workers. After 1954, demands for national compensation and voices critical of the national government for not doing so in the rising anti-atomic bomb movement and the movement of the victims of the bombing grew stronger chiefly in Hiroshima. As a result, the Hiroshima of the latter half of the 1950s came to be called "Ikari no Hiroshima" (Angry Hiroshima), and many people accepted this description at face value. However, "anger" had not been the sole emphasis previously, Instead, under the occupation, the "prayers" of Hiroshima had been emphasized both in and outside Hiroshima, and the victims of the atomic bombings had even been described as symbols of reconciliation between Japan and the U.S. On the other hand, from about 1950, the workers of Hiroshima associated their hometown with "anger, " and children and educators linked it with "prayers." Immediately after the occupation "anger" and "prayer" coexisted in combination in Hiroshima However, as the phrase "ikari no Hiroshima, inori no Nagasaki" (the anger of Hiroshima and the prayers of Nagasaki) appeared after 1950, the compartmentalization of the images of the bombed cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki continued apace.