<Typology> Negative markers in Qiangic languages

Abstract

The study examines plain negative markers in Qiangic languages (Tibeto-Burman, spoken in Southwest China) from the geolinguistic and comparative linguistic viewpoints with special attention to tense/aspect distinctions. Qiangic languages typically use verbal prefixes or proclitics to mark the negative. Such plain negative markers are classified into four types, namely, [A] MA type, [B] MI type, [C] MV type, and [D] non-M type. Moreover, Type A has three subtypes, namely, A1 (a form maintained from the proto-language), A2 (a secondary formation from two morphemes, such as the negative and irrealis markers), and A3 (Tibetan loans). The perfective/past negative markers demonstrate the following geographical distributions: Subtype A1 is found sporadically, whereas Subtype A3 is limited to the region with a significant Tibetan influence; Type B is widely found and also located in peripheral areas; Type C has a sporadic but relatively wide distribution, and; Type D is limited. This study tentatively concludes their relative chronology as A1 > B > C > A3 and D because subtype A1 is the oldest from a logical viewpoint. Moreover, the imperfective/ non-past negative markers demonstrate the following geographical distributions: Subtype A1 is found in the northernmost peripheral region, whereas Subtype A2 has a considerably wide distribution, including peripheral areas; Type B is concentrated in the central region; Type C exhibits a sporadic distribution, and Type D is limited. Consequently, their relative chronology is tentatively concluded as A1 > A2 > B > C > D.