<論説>清末重慶の米市をめぐる社会的構図 --六宝公所米市を例に--

Abstract

米市は重慶においては営利事業と公益事業の両面を合わせ持つ存在である。米市が公共奉仕を事業目的に掲げていたことが、外部から干渉が繰り返される大きな要因となった。六宝公所米市は、米幇会首の石栄椿からは差務の分担を要求されたり、黄慎徽ら江北庁育嬰堂の首事からは収益を供与するように要求されたりした。また、巴県の下した判決の一つでは、駅站費の支弁を命じられることもあった。彼らの主張によれば、米市が公共奉仕を目的に存在するのなら、差務も育嬰堂も駅站も同じく公共目的に属すのだから、それへの資金援助が当為とされたのである。米市の事業はこうした公共性を盾にした介入のために、権益が阻害される危険に晒されていた。その一方、陳世銘・曹三合ら六宝公所米市の首事が、これに対抗するために用いた論理も、公共奉仕の目的を唱えることであった。彼らは審理の場ではつねに、米市の収益は義学の開設費に充てねばならないと強弁を続け、差務の負担も育嬰堂・駅站費への支援も拒み通そうとした。米市も公共性を主張することで、権益侵害の危険を切り抜けられると考えたのである。このように、米市の存在が公的価値を帯びたことは、その権益を外から守るものとしても、逆に、外からの介入を招くものとしても両様に作用したのであった。

The rice market functioned as both a lucrative business and a public utility in Chongqing 重慶. The rice market billed itself as contributing to the public. However, this became a cause of interference from the outside. Liubao Gongsuomishi 六宝公所米市 was required to bear the costs of labor by the rice merchant guild, and was also required to provide support by an orphanage association. Furthermore, Ba county 巴県ordered Liubao Gongsuomishi to incur costs of way stations. These organizations believed that such labor, charity and way stations were public services. If Liubao Gongsuomishi intended to contribute to public services, it should of course provide funds to cover the costs of labor, charity and way stations. By employing public service as a shield, the rice market opened itself to outside intervention, and its interests were infringed. But, Liubao Gongsuomishi also brought up its own public service in an effort to counter these requests to fund labor, charity, and way stations. In court, the market consistently argued that its profits should be allotted to the cost of school education and refused to support funds for labor, charity and way stations. The rice market, by advocating its own public support of school education, circumvented the dangerous infringement on its rights. In this way the rice market took on the mantle of serving the public interest. The mantle of serving the public interest both invited and prevented intervention from the outside. Previous studies have often indicated that Chinese concept of public interest included the pursuit of self-interest. In effect, this meant that public welfare would not be implemented without the pursuit of self-interest. Appealing to the need to pay off its own debt, Liubao Gongsuomishi was averse to paying for public welfare. Liubao Gongsuomishi thus made a profit under the guise of serving the public interest. The rice market argued that its profits should be allotted to building a school, but this was nothing more than a mere excuse to monopolize profits. However, this argument required winning credibility and a favorable impression by government officials. The building of a school thus gradually became a reality. I agree with the idea that a public sphere existed in China, but the base of this public sphere was weak and far from stable. Ba county, Jiangbei district 江北庁, and Chongqing prefecture 重慶府 all had different standards for making judgements about the public interest. Thus, when these government offices made judgements, they were based on different standpoints. Judgements depended on which government office took the initiative in court. Even if Liubao Gongsuomishi argued for its own public welfare measures, government offices did not always accept its argument. Liubao Gongsuomishi was involved in much litigation over the years, and it was exposed to great fluctuations. The Chinese public sphere can be characterized by this same uncertainty.