日本村落の封鎖性と開放性

Abstract

The 15th Meeting of the International Institute of Sociology was held at Istanbul in 1952, where I had the privilege of assuming chairmanship of the section on Rural Sociology. There I also made my own report on the Japanese village community. ("Actes du XV^e Congres International du Sociologie, 1952, vol. 1, p. 181 ff.), and discussed briefly, from my sociological viewpoint, eleven aspects of the Japanese village community. The aim of the present paper is to make a more detailed study of the first of the eleven aspects, namely the closedness or openness of a community. For our research on this particular theme I am deeply indebted both to the Japanese government which has subsidized it for almost a dozen years, and to the Rockefeller Foundation for a five year grant which has enabled me to continue it since 1957 and will enable me to complete this survey on a national scale. The country is divided roughly into several districts according to climate, geographical features, and cultural patterns. According to modes of subsistence the Japanese villages may be divided under the three categories of the agricultural, the fishing, and the forestry (mountain) village. Our sociological research was made by selecting a number of villages from each subsistence category in each district. The Japanese village is now finding itself in a transitional period from an older type of village to a new one. To understand the Japanese village in transition, it is necessary to ascertain to what extent the main characteristics of the old and new types are increasing or decreasing with the lapse of time. In this article I have tried to specify 18 major factors which either determine or represent the opened or closed nature of a village, i. e., the degree of its contact with the outside world, whereby one may know to which type the village in question belongs. Our analysis of these factors has been based on concrete objective materials. With regard to each factor full account has been taken of the changes the agricultural, mountain, and fishing villages in each of the districts have undergone in the course of time. And in respect to the mobility of people, differences in sex and age have been duly taken into consideration. Let us begin with the factors relevant to the closed village community : (1) The peculiar way of earning a livelihood in a village is closely related with the degree to which it may be considered closed. In an agricultural village, the extreme difficulty of reclamation makes its people cling to their present strips of land and the small-scale intensive labor of cultivation makes it difficult for them to leave their farms. In a mountain village the inhabitants have hardly any leisure to go out of the village, being always busy with the work of forestry, trimming, lumbering, carrying down lumber, making charcoal, etc. In a fishing village, as its fishing area is limited to the sea immediately off its shore, its inhabitants seldom have a chance to go out of their village. Thus it may be seen that in these cases agriculture, forestry, and fishing all have the effect of closing a village community to the outside world. (2) We must consider the fact that there are certain properties and facilities commonly and equally shared by the villagers. The kinds of such common goods, the economic contents of these, and their importance for the economic life of each villager have been specified. Leaving one's village means, therefore, losing one's share in the benefits drawn from the common goods of the community. This situation also deters villagers from going away from the village. (3) Strangers are not easily permitted to make use of the common properties and establishments of the village or to join the village shrine festivals. They are required to fulfill certain qualifications such as a specified number of years of residence before they are admitted as villagers with full rights, and they must go through certain formalities before they are admitte 900 publisher Faculty of Letters, Kyoto University 2433/72843 2433/72912 0452-9774 AN00061079 京都大學文學部研究紀要 = Memoirs of the Faculty of Letters, Kyoto University 5 02 183 237 1959-03-31 戦国時代の菅浦 : 供御人と惣続論 Suganoura in the Sengoku Era An Essay. on Kugonin and. So 赤松, 俊秀 アカマツ, トシヒデ Akamatsu, Toshihide jpn 京都大學文學部 Departmental Bulletin Paper この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。 The township of Suganoura now forms a part of Nishiasai-mura, a village in the Rural District of Ika-gun, Shiga Prefecture. It has been well-known for its massive medieval archives ready for the historians and its wellestablished communal organization which is traceable in these materials. My essay, Kugonin and So in the History of Suganoura" which was submitted to the Miscella-nea Kiotiensia in cellebration of the semicentennial of the Faculty of Letters of our University was an attempt to describe the scope, the population and the industrial activities of this little community together with the incessant disputes with the neighbouring township of Ohura over the tenant right of the borderland Hisashimorokawa, so the niche of land was called, lies between the two villages and was the only place where the peasants of Suganoura could have carried on rice-cropping. Though the issues were always at stake, there is some evidence for believing that the land had formerly belonged to Ohura, not to Suganoura in the not too distant Past. Furthermore there is evidence of engrossing of the land by Suganoura in 1295 and the villagers of Ohura violated the landmarks and appealed to the Government. Suganoura, on the other hand, attempted every possible couter-attack and meanwhile made the land in dispute common to all the villagers, dividing it equally among them. This led to the growth of a solid community on the part of Suganoura and to the making of the powerful jury (SO) in the fourteenth century. The jurymen looked upon the tenures of the land as inviolable and prohibited the sellers of the tenements to attend the jury in 1346. Moreover the villagers plotted against the neighbouring township with the aid of the feudal retinues who were banded together near the village. Thus they succeeded to perpetuate the right, but in doing so they became more and more dependent on the elders of the village, especially in managing to repudiate the challenges of Ohura. Here the Elder Seikuro will be worth while to be remembered as a distinguished figure who could find a sound solution for the disputes from 1445 onward and again of 1461. By his efforts the issues which at first seemed fatal to the village turned to be a windfall. In the midst of turmoils he died. It was in 1467, when he bequeathed his property to the village jury, not to the temple, for the salv ation of his soul. The present paper for this volume of the Transactions of the Faculty is, first and foremost, a continuation of my foregoing essay and an attempt to enlarge it by illustrating every aspect of the activities of the inhabitants. First of all, I want to point out the growth of popular movements toward the turn of the fifteenth century as are shown in the peasant revolts during the civil wars of Ohnin and Bunmei. They revolted against the financial burdens and asked the benevolent Government (tokusei) above them. Especially the bad harvest and the wide-spread pestilence since 1460 devastated the whole country. This devastation is a well-known fact, but the immediate effects of the plague still await to be estimated in the light of evidences which I hobe to provide from the materials of this village. The verdict based on this study is emphatically catastrophic : the decrease of the population and the change of tenure. The peasants who were unable to plough their tenements owing to the family mortality surren dered them to the lords. The balance of power which existed between lord and peasants was thus abruptly changed. The picture shown here is an Eastern countpart of the Black Death. Secondly, the impression gained from the study is the subsiding of the communal activities from the dawn of the sixteenth century. It is noticeable that the village jury was running into debt unable to pay the rent. Characteristic of the fifteenth century was the energetic aspiration of the jury resulted from the communal solidarity. It was based on the appropriaton of the land of Hisashimorokawa and al