<論説>中英「ビルマ・チベット協定」 (一八八六年) の背景 : 清末中国外交の性格をめぐる一考察

Abstract

一八八六年の「ビルマ・チベット協定」では、ビルマ人の北京への貢使派遣の継続と、英国のビルマ統治とが英国・清朝それぞれによって承認された。一九世紀中国を取り巻く国際環境の変容を、近代条約体制による伝統朝貢体制への挑戦・優越と捉える研究史の文脈からすれば特異な性格を持つこの協定に対し、従来の研究は朝貢という儀礼に限定される中華的宗属関係の特質から説明を行ってきた。つまり、名義上の宗属関係を追求する清朝に対し、英国はハートの建議を入れて「虚名を譲って実利をと」ったと。しかし、このハートの提案が実はマカートニーと李鴻章への対抗策として作成されたという事実は見過ごされている。また、駐英公使曾紀澤と中国本国との外交方針を「積極」と「消極」・「実利」と「虚名」として対比する分析粋組みが一般的だが、実はこうした清末中国外交をめぐるイメージは、ハートやオコナーあるいは李鴻章という双方の交渉担当者が、各々交渉を有利に進めるために強調したものであり、その背景には、中国西南辺境地域の現状を維持したいが十分な統治能力に欠ける清朝の現実があった。つまり、「虚名(朝貢) 」と「実利(ビルマ併合) 」との取引が前面にでる背後で、雲南―ビルマ間の国境・通商という重大問題においては、現状維持を認める妥協が、李鴻章とオコナーを中心に図られたのである。

In the Convention Relating to Burma and Tibet, 1886, Great Britain agreed that the Burmese should send the customary tribute missions to China in exchange for Chinese recognition of the authority and rule, which Great Britain was exercising in Burma. From the standpoint of the study of the changes in the diplomatic history of modern China in the 19th century that views the "treaty system, " introduced by the Western powers, as having challenged and eventually triumphed over the "tribute system, " which had traditionally kept the international order in East Asia, this convention can be seen as a peculiar case. As regards this peculiarity, previous studies have explained its special character in terms of the limited relationship of China and her tributaries in contradistinction to the Western system. In short, while the Qing dynasty demanded a nominal tributary status of Burma, Great Britain adopted Hart's proposal to "cede empty words and seize the Real." This view, however, overlooks the fact that Hart's proposal was originally made to counter that of Macartney and Li Hongzhang. In order to oppose Macartney's suggestion that Great Britain cede Bahmo, a trade center of the upper lrrawaddy, to China in exchange for recognition of the annexation of Burma, Hart proposed that in return for recognition of the continuation of tribute missions, China should open Yunnan to frontier trade. At this time, the question of which nation, China or Great Britain, would take the initiative in trade on the Yunnan- Burma frontier, which was expected to develop with the annexation of Burma, lay behind the rivalry between Hart and Macartney. Another point of view generally shared by previous studies is to see the diplomacy of Zeng Jize, the Chinese Minister to Great Britain, in contrast to that of the home government (including the Zongliyamen and Li Hongzhang), regarding the former as positive and pursuing real interests and the latter as negative and satisfied with a nominal suzerainty. In fact this image of Chinese diplomacy in the late Qing period was a result of deliberate exaggeration by both sides, Hart and O'Connor and Li Hongzhang, with the intent of promoting favorable terms in the negotiations. The Convention Relating to Burma and Tibet, 1886, was on the surface an exchange of empty words (tribute missions) for actual interests (the annexation of Burma), but at the same time in regard to the major problems of delimiting the border and regulating commerce it was actually a compromise that maintained the existing state of affairs on the Yunnan-Burma frontier. When Great Britain annexed Burma, the most important problem that China faced was the turmoil in the southwestern frontier region, which had been created by the development of frontier trade, rather than the future of Burma. However, the Qing government was barely able to exercise control over the region. So, in order to keep the existing order in the region, Li Hongzhang used various tactics, first supporting Macartney's plan, appealing for the cession of Bahmo and then watching to see what move Great Britain would make. Later, he demanded a continuation of tribute missions in exchange for Bahmo. By so doing, China secured both the empty words - tribute missions - and the actual profit - maintenance of the existing order in the southwestern frontier region.