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dc.contributor.author | 西田, 卓生 | ja |
dc.contributor.alternative | NISHIDA, Takuo | en |
dc.contributor.transcription | ニシダ, タクオ | ja-Kana |
dc.date.accessioned | 2008-12-08T09:08:26Z | - |
dc.date.available | 2008-12-08T09:08:26Z | - |
dc.date.issued | 1988-11-30 | - |
dc.identifier.issn | 0289-7113 | - |
dc.identifier.uri | http://hdl.handle.net/2433/68566 | - |
dc.description | この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。 | ja |
dc.description.abstract | Certainty as to Livy's ideplogy and attitude toward the Roman Civil War and policies of Augustus is a difficult matter, given the fact that the latter part of his work, in which the civil war might have been written, is lost ; however, the presence of Book I seems to be very significant, judging from the following facts : 1. Livy is thought to have begun to compose Book I about three years after the naval battle of Actium, when the historian still had clearly in mind the misery and bloodiness of the civil war and entertained intense ideological thoughts as 'a last republican', paying careful attention to Augustus' rule. 2. R. Syme maintains that Livy wrote his Praefatio about 27 B. C., probably after the completion of Books I-V, as an introduction to the first instalment of the work. According to the view of Bayet, Book I was at first separately written and published apart from the other books of the first Pentade, which means that Book I has a uniqueness and independence which can not be found in the other books. 3. Book I has no main theme, as do the other books in the first Pentade, but consists of many episodes concerning old Roman legends and the reigns of seven Roman kings. Consequently the following matters are brought into question in this paper : first, the relation between the ideology of Livy and the content or structure of Book I ; secondly the pecuriality stemming from this relation. With the intention of clarifying the relationship and solving the problems, focus should be on the inklings and insinuations of the historical events coeval with Livy, who probably described them in Book I. For example : In the year 29 B. C. Augustus decreased the size of the senate by removing from it one hundred and ninety senators, later preferring to transact official business and often sit in with senators privately rather than refer official affairs to them--so wrote Dio Cassius : Livy, speaking of Tarquinius Superbus, says (1. 49, 6-7) that he adopted the same policy as Augustus so that senatorial rank would be given less respect, owing to the small number of senators. Next example : Julius Caesar was assassinated by some senators and deified after his death, which reminds us of the death and deification of Romulus. In his description of Romulus' end, Livy believes that some people secretly insisted that king Romulus had been torn to pieces by the senators. And next : Livia, whose father and husband fought together with the Republicans at Philippi and fell there in battle, can be considered to have defiled pietas to relatives by marrying Octavianus despite being in the sixth month of pregnancy. So Livia is similar to Tullia, daughter of the sixth Roman king, Servius Tullius, as regards the profanation of its pietas, for Tullia also killed her first husband and helped kill her father king. Why do these allusions become critical matter in Book I? Because they have profound bearing on the peculiarity of this book : those who inquire fully into its content and structure become aware of a kind of asymmetry. and oddness that is not seen in the other books. Of the seven Roman kings the reigns of Romulus, Tullus Hostilius, Servius Tullius, and Tarquinius Superbus are described in more detail than those of Numa, Ancus, and Tarquinius Priscus. Omitting, however, the episode of the duel of the three Horatii, which has nothing to do with Livy's ideology, it can be said that Livy focuses on the three kings Romulus, Servius Tullius, and Tarquinius Superbus because their reigns presented many good opportunities to allude to the policy of Augustus and to events contemporary or near-contemporary with Livy. Considering these points. I infer that the political ideology of the historian, that is, republicanism, exerted strong influence on the structure of Book I, resulting in an asymmetrical appearance, including numerous small episodes, but no main theme. Ultimately, instead of the annalistic form, Livy introduced his own ideology into Book I. These considerations show that Livy was opposed to Augustus, insofar as ideology is concerned, and his republicanism was more deeply rooted than is commonly believed, even if superficial reversion to a republican past was at that time a fashion and Livy's birthplace, Patavium, a haunt of republicans throughout the Roman Revolution. On the other hand Livy was, as Tacitus has said, on friendly terms with Augustus in other respects. | en |
dc.format.mimetype | application/pdf | - |
dc.language.iso | jpn | - |
dc.publisher | 京都大学西洋古典研究会 | ja |
dc.publisher.alternative | The Classical Society of Kyoto University | en |
dc.subject.ndc | 902 | - |
dc.title | リーウィウスのイデオロギーとAB URBE CONDITAの第I巻の特異性 | ja |
dc.title.alternative | Livy's Ideology and the Peculiarity of Book I of AB URBE CONDITA | en |
dc.type | departmental bulletin paper | - |
dc.type.niitype | Departmental Bulletin Paper | - |
dc.identifier.ncid | AN10138475 | - |
dc.identifier.jtitle | 西洋古典論集 | ja |
dc.identifier.volume | 5 | - |
dc.identifier.spage | 71 | - |
dc.identifier.epage | 97 | - |
dc.textversion | publisher | - |
dc.sortkey | 06 | - |
dc.address | 大阪市立大学 | ja |
dcterms.accessRights | open access | - |
dc.identifier.pissn | 0289-7113 | - |
dc.identifier.jtitle-alternative | CLASSICAL STUDIES | en |
出現コレクション: | V |
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